The Benin Bronzes, as they are called, are a group of up to several thousand metal plaques and sculptures that decorated the royal palace of the Kingdom of Benin, in what is now Edo State, Nigeria. The majority of “bronze” works, actually made of copper alloy, date from the 16th-19th centuries, depicting the kingdom’s rich history, court life, and rituals. According to Barbara Plankensteiner, the director of the Museum am Rothenbaum in Hamburg, “Through the study of these objects and their oral tradition, we are able to access knowledge about how the works relate to the history of the kingdom and how they developed stylistically. The long-term stability of the kingdom--and the durability of its thousands of surviving metal artifacts--makes this abundance of information quite rare for African art.” The works tell the detailed oral history of The Edo people The Kingdom of Benin is renowned for the exceptional quality and diversity of its royal arts made from copper alloy, ivory, terracotta, wood, iron, and coral beads. The metal pieces were made by using lost-wax casting and are considered the best African sculptures made using this technique. Most of the artworks were taken by the British in 1897 in a raid on Benin, the royal palace was burned and looted, and the oba (ruler) was exiled. Two Benin figures at the gallery depict an oba and his queen, although according to oral tradition the female figure could represent the iyoba, or queen mother, which were commissioned specifically for the ancestral altars. The oba can be identified by the rings around his neck. These pieces are likely from the early 20th century. It is not known precisely who they represent due to the complex provenance of the bronzes which are now mostly in Western collections.  

West Africa is the heartland of the continent’s textile production. Among the most well-known West African textiles is kente cloth, woven by the Ewe and Asante peoples of Ghana. The word kente is not used by the Asante people; it may be derived from the Fante word kenten (“basket”) which refers to the checkerboard appearance of the cloth. Kente is known as “prestige cloth” because it has been a symbol of status and wealth for its wearers. Once the textile of kings, it is now worn by anyone who can afford it. The Asante people controlled the only source of gold available to pre-Columbian Christendom. They prospered through trade with the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and other European traders. Their great wealth allowed the king and court to commission sumptuous and densely patterned cloth for royal textiles. As there are no silkworms indigenous to Ghana, Asante leaders acquired silk textiles through trade. Local artists then unraveled the cloths to obtain silk threads of many colors to be used in the weaving of cloth. Alternatively, Italian waste silk was brought down by came caravan across the Sahara. The influx of imported fibers allowed the kente palette to be dramatically intensified. Asante kente is the product of narrow band of stripweaving done by men on a horizontal loom with four heddles. Stripweaving as a method of manufacturing cloth is most characteristic of West Africa. Asante kente cloth is characterized by vibrant colors and complex patterning. Historically, the textile was made of silk (as is our example at the gallery), but since the 1920s, rayon has largely replaced silk. The brocade cloth is made of twenty to twenty-four strips about four inches wide sewn together selvedge to selvedge to make a man’s garment. It is draped, toga-like around the body with one loose end brought up and over the left shoulder. Clothes for women are smaller and worn in pairs wrapped tightly around the body. Asante patterns are non-representational. Each pattern of background warp has a distinctive name as does each weft pattern and whole cloths have names. 

A technique well established throughout Africa is appliqué, a word used to describe the process of adding additional materials to an already woven textile base. The Igbo people of Southern Nigeria make masquerade costumes which are appliquéd with cotton and wool cloth. The example we have at the gallery employs strips of cloth to make diamond and triangular patterns in red, yellow, green, white, and black. The masquerade costume, worn by men, is made to imitate female ancestor spirits. This costume is made for the agbogho mmamwu or “maiden spirit” masquerade in which a masked figure portraying the female dead appears. The costume is conceived as an idealization of female beauty. According to J.S. Boston, the “costume worn by these masks is a two-piece suit of black cloth, decorated liberally with bold designs in vivid colors which represent a masculine interpretation in felt and colored wool, of body designs which are traditionally a female ornament.” Picton and Mack add, “In other words this imitation of female body decoration transforms the cloth suit of the masquerade into a symbolic vehicle. Traditionally it complemented the mask and rendered the whole symbolically and visually consistent.” 

Lega “masks” fall into the category of Bwami initiation objects. Bwami permeates all aspects of life, guiding the moral development of the individual and governing relations with others. The Lega further divide the “masks” into five types according to material, size, and form: lukwakongo, kayam-ba, idimu, muminia, and lukungu. These masks have a heart-shaped face framed by a line formed by the nose, the eyebrows, and the planes of the cheeks. The face is whitened with clay, while the forehead and edges characteristically have a glossy brown patina. They serve as an important mark of rank, identifying the owners as members of specific Bwami levels. While the Lega masks are based on form and material, most Western definitions of masks are based on function. “Mask” describes an object that covers the face and transforms the wearer. Most of what we know as Lega “masks” are sculptures of a human face that are rarely worn over the face and never for purposes of true transformation (Biebuyck 1993, 190). “Masks” are never worn on the face but are instead attached to arms, the sides of the head, the forehead with the beard draping down over the face, and held in the hands, or displayed on a fence at Bwami meetings. The sculpture, or mask, manipulated by a senior Bwami member can assume the roles of many different characters during performances. The Bwami member can be compared to a puppeteer and the mask to a puppet. Characterization occurs around the mask; however, the puppeteer is not transformed. In addition, a concept that unites many of these masklike sculptures is the portrayal and importance of ancestors. Masks are among the initiation objects displayed on the grave before being passed to new owners. When the next member of the owner’s lineage reaches the appropriate level, he is given the mask. Bwami members pass masks down through many generations, and the history of each piece is carefully remembered. 

 Minkisi Minkondi (pl.) are powerful spiritually inhabited figures from the Bakongo peoples of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire) that function as hunter-healers of conflicts. A nkisi nkondi (s.) figure is used to protect individuals, families, or entire communities against evil spirits. In addition, these objects prevent and heal afflictions, ward off bad deeds, enforce oaths, decide arguments, and punish criminals. They are containers for powerful magical and/or medicinal ingredients (bilongo). Created by sculptors and nganga (ritual experts), the sculpture is completed when the nganga gathers the materials, which when assembled, will become the home of a spirit. Once it is charged, the nkondi can be handed over to the client. According to Kongo testimony in the early twentieth century, people drive nails into the figures as a petition for help, healing, or witness—particularly of contracts and pledges. Each nail represents a specific case, oath, or agreement. The nkisi nkondi at the David Barnett Gallery is constructed with balls made of cloth filled with medicinal materials and activated by driving nails or blades into them. These objects, filled with magical herbs, are believed to fight off illness. Many figures are activated by inserting medicine into the abdominal cavity (covered with glass or a mirror). In addition, an explosion of gunpowder can provoke the spirit to action and solidify the oath visually on the figure.  

Aspects of Kongo spirituality made their way to the Americas via the Atlantic slave trade. European art collectors were interests in nkondi, particularly those with nails. Contemporary artists have worked with the concept and visual imagery of nkondi to produce works of art inspired by nkondi. 

These tiny sculptures were vital tools in the trade among the people of Africa’s Gold Coast. These objects are miniature, cast-brass sculptures that the precolonial Akan people of Ghana used to accurately measure gold dust. The skill involved in casting weights was enormous; most weights were less than 2 ½ ounces and their exact mass was meticulously measured. Even the most beautiful weights were altered if the casting weighed too much or too little. The gold weights can be divided into the Early, 1400-1720 AD, and Late, 1700-1900 AD, periods. Geometric weights are the oldest forms, dating from 1400 AD onward and can be connected to the Akan trade with Islamic traders whose religious beliefs prohibited the representation of people. The figurative weights, made in the image of people, animals, etc. first appear around 1600 AD. Scholars connect the visual forms of the gold weights to Akan proverbs, which are pervasive in Akan culture. The weights represent stories, riddles, and codes of conduct that helped guide Akan people in the way they lived their lives. The concern for equality and justice is paramount in Akan culture. The weights were part of the Akan’s cultural reinforcement, expressing personal behavior codes, beliefs, and values. “The gold weights serve more than a functional or artistic purpose: they represent cultural norms, standards, and ideals. The figures include references to proverbs, myths, and histories of the Asante people. They represent a practical tool used every day in economic activity but created in unique artistic forms that exhibit the personality and culture of the metalsmiths and merchants who created and used them. Scholars can observe changes in iconography in weight sets that reflect the influences on the Akan people’s culture and document changing trends in style. In this way they are valuable for their artistic and cultural significance as well as their economic function (Christina Griffith, Expedition).”  

Written by 

Jennifer McCormick